Thursday, December 13, 2012

Bangladesh Tribunal Accuses New York Imam of War Crimes | Global City NYC

Bangladesh Tribunal Accuses New York Imam of War Crimes | Global City NYC:

"The deep divisions over the tribunal and the specific charges against Khan reflect the volatile politics within Bangladesh itself, and the lingering bitterness over a bloody war that, by some estimates, claimed as many as three million lives. Fighting began in March 1971, when Pakistani forces moved into East Pakistan to crush Bengali demands for a sovereign nation. The war ended nine months later, after India joined forces with the Bangladeshi independence movement to defeat Pakistan’s army."

Should be modified to:

The deep divisions over the tribunal and the specific charges against Khan reflect the volatile politics within Bangladesh itself, and the lingering bitterness over a bloody war that, by some estimates, claimed as many as three million lives. 
Fighting began in March 1971, when Pakistani Military junta, led by dictator Yahiya Khan refused to hand over the power to the elected majority party leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and moved military forces into East Pakistan to crush consequent Bengali demands for a sovereign nation. The war ended nine months later, after India joined forces with the Bangladeshi independence movement to defeat Pakistan’s army.


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Wednesday, December 5, 2012

‘Genetic engineering’ in East Pakistan – The Express Tribune

‘Genetic engineering’ in East Pakistan – The Express Tribune:

‘Genetic engineering’ in East Pakistan

Published: July 7, 2012
The writer is Director South Asian Media School, Lahore khaled.ahmed@tribune.com.pk
Pakistan’s name has been blackened by just one man: General AAK ‘Tiger’ Niazi. According to a new book by Oxford University Press, he is supposed to have pronounced the words that even Genghis Khan would have hesitated to use: that he would let loose his soldiers on the women of East Pakistan till the lineage/ethnicity of the Bengali race was changed.
The account has come from a true son of Pakistan, late Major-General (retd) Khadim Hussain Raja in his recently published book A Stranger in My Own Country: East Pakistan, 1969-1971 (OUP, 2012). The book is posthumously published probably because it was a hot potato in the times it was actually written. He was General Officer Commanding 14 Division in East Pakistan.
General Ayub Khan, whose decade of rule caused the jurisprudence of separatism to evolve, gets the treatment he deserved through the testimony of another not-too-civilised general named Gul Hassan:
“Gul Hassan openly criticised Field Marshal Ayub Khan’s sons who, according to him, were letting their father down by amassing wealth by unfair means. Gul Hassan blurted out that ‘I have told the old cock that this time we will impose Martial Law and take control ourselves but not protect Ayub and his henchmen’. The reference [old cock] was to General Yahya Khan, Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army” (p.8).
General Yahya Khan, who took over from Ayub was not what the doctor would have ordered for East Pakistan. The only leadership criterion was brutality riding on low IQ. The exception was General Yaqub Khan, the commander who insisted that General Yahya not postpone the session of the National Assembly elected after the 1970 election.
The author writes: “All of a sudden, General Yaqub Khan was bundled off as a student on the Imperial Defence College course. This clumsy and unceremonious action was obviously taken to get him out of the way” (p.7).
Commander East Pakistan, General Tikka Khan, disagreed with Raja that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman be secretly despatched to West Pakistan. He wanted to “publicly try Sheikh Mujib in Dhaka and hang him” (p.93).
Major-General Rahim Khan was the other officer Pakistan can’t be proud of: “Rahim started to criticise the senior commanders in Dhaka, especially me, although I happened to be a friend of his. He was of the opinion that the Bengalis were timid people and should have been subdued long ago. The reader can judge for himself the ignorance and lack of understanding of the East Pakistan situation among the hawks in the armed forces” (p.97). Rahim ran away from East Pakistan when things became too hot.
We come to the climax: “[Enter] Commander East Pakistan General Niazi, wearing a pistol holster on his web belt. Niazi became abusive and started raving. Breaking into Urdu, he said:Main iss haramzadi qaum ki nasal badal doon ga. Yeh mujhe kiya samajhtey hain. He threatened that he would let his soldiers loose on their womenfolk. There was pin drop silence at these remarks. The next morning, we were given the sad news. A Bengali officer Major Mushtaq went into a bathroom at the Command Headquarters and shot himself in the head” (p.98).
Niazi also asked Raja for phone numbers of his Bengali girlfriends: “Abhi tau mujhey Bengali girlfriends kay phone number day do” (p.99). Niazi surrendered to Indian General JFR Jacob in 1971. ‘Tiger’ Niazi handed over his personal pistol at the famous Race Course ceremony. Jacob examined the weapon: the lanyard was greasy and frayed, and the pistol was full of muck as if it hadn’t been cleaned in a long while. (Surrender at Dacca: Birth of a Nation; by Lt. Gen JFR Jacob; Manohar Publishers 1997).
Published in The Express Tribune, July 8th, 2012.

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Sunday, November 11, 2012

What a good feeling!

What a good feeling!:

Commentary

What a good feeling!

A debt redeemed, though late

Of some of the things that this government did, as it is for the third time they are doing it, the honouring of those who helped us during our liberation struggle is among the very best. Last Saturday, the 3rd phase of the honour ceremony took place with the president and the prime minister bestowing the honours. Like everyone else in the country who takes immense pride in the events of 1971 and especially as a freedom fighter, we would like to congratulate the prime minister, the relevant ministers and all those officials and private organisations and individuals who were involved in collecting, locating and finally bringing all these people to Bangladesh and honouring them the way we did.
We have no hesitation in saying that other than Sheikh Hasina's government no one else would have done it on the scale, dignity and fanfare that it was ultimately done. We are certain that we reflect the sentiments of the millions of freedom fighters when we say what a good feeling it is to know that we have the courtesy, the sensitivity and the good sense to thank our friends who came to our assistance at the most crucial time of our nation's life. Though late, it has happened and it gives us a feeling that we are part of a civilised world that knows how to be grateful. We repeat, it is a wonderful feeling.
The question naturally comes to mind: why did it take us so long to thank those who helped us gain our freedom? However unpalatable it may sound, the truth is that in the post-1975 period successive governments have played politics with our own freedom struggle, unquestionably the most glorious part of our history. Obviously the murder of Bangabandhu, supreme leader of the freedom struggle, set us on a self-destructive path. Those who killed him had to denigrate him and the movement he led in order to justify their heinous act.
It must be said that coming to power, first of Khandaker Mustaque, then General Ziaur Rahman and finally of General Ershad, launched us on a deliberate and diabolical process of distorting our liberation war history. None of them ever owned that glorious legacy of our independence struggle-Mustaque because he did not want it, Ershad because he was not a part of it and Ziaur Rahman because he betrayed it.
General Ziaur Rahman's case is the most disappointing. History gave him the opportunity to carve out a place in the hearts of our freedom loving people not only because he was a sector commander and a valiant freedom fighter but also because he had, in Bangabandhu's name, made an announcement of the declaration of independence on the 27th of March, 1971. It was an opportunity that every soldier would die for and every freedom fighter would crave for --- a chance to become part of history in such a unique and glorious manner. But he betrayed that glory and honour by siding with the killers of Bangabandhu by not taking any action against them which his oath as a soldier made obligatory for him. After assuming power he resurrected the political forces that had openly and criminally opposed our liberation and rehabilitated in politics some of the most infamous and notorious collaborators of that period.
Among his most despicable, shameful and ignominious acts was the passing of the Indemnity Act that made us the only country in the world that gave constitutional protection to self-confessed killers.
This is neither the time nor the place to evaluate Ziaur Rahman's legacy but suffice it to say that history will judge him extremely harshly for restoring to mainstream politics the very forces that helped the Pakistan army to commit genocide on our people.
Today it is perhaps impossible for most people to believe that there was a time in Bangladesh, not so long ago, when we could not even blame the Pakistani army for massacring our people and used the term “Hanadar Bahini” to identify the culprits that killed and maimed our people and our freedom fighters, that Mukti Bahini was not a term that we could use openly and freely and that they were suspect as 'agents subverting our sovereignty'. It was not unusual to be in public places and hear people openly and proudly say, “I am a razakar”.
Obviously the claimants to power who created such political environment and those who follow the same political legacy could not be expected to honour foreign friends who helped us in waging war against those who wanted to obliterate our nation.
It was such a wonderful feeling to see them all together. Most of them have greatly advanced in age, some in wheelchairs and many others needing help in moving around. It was obvious that our recognition, though belated, of their timely and crucially needed help pleased them immensely. Most of them never expected this honour and hardly ever hoped to visit the land in whose liberation struggle they played a part. They were very happy to be here and felt a special bond with us and took pride in the progress we made.
Those who were here, we would welcome them in our homes at any time if they were ever to revisit us. But if we were never to see them again, let it be known to all, in every part of the world, that we as a nation, as a people, as a country, as a part of the freedom loving world, will always remember them with humility and gratitude for their most generous and courageous help at the moment of our birth as a free country.

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Monday, October 15, 2012

Rachel Maddow: Rosie Perez speaks out against Romney on immigration

Rachel Maddow: Rosie Perez speaks out against Romney on immigration:
(wonderful comedy of Romney by Latino actress)
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NHS boss faces death penalty over charges of torture and 18 murders | Mail Online

NHS boss faces death penalty over charges of torture and 18 murders | Mail Online:

NHS boss faces death penalty over charges of torture and 18 murders in Bangladesh

  • War crimes tribunal set to bring damning indictments against NHS director of spiritual care
  • Prosecutors want him extradited to face trial over atrocities committed in Bangladesh in 1971
One of Britain's most important Muslim leaders – who has a senior role in the NHS – is to be charged with 18 murders by a war crimes tribunal in his native Bangladesh, investigators have told The Mail on Sunday.
Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, who is director of Muslim Spiritual Care Provision in the NHS and is also a chairman of the Multi-Faith Group for Healthcare Chaplaincy, is accused of abducting, torturing and killing 18 journalists, academics and doctors during the bloody war of independence in Bangladesh in 1971.
Mr Mueen-Uddin, 63, who strongly denies the allegations, is believed to have fled Bangladesh shortly after the war ended, and has been living in London since the early Seventies.
As Deputy Director of the Islamic Foundation Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, pictured left, met Prince Charles in 2003 but now his accused of murder and faces the death penalty in Bangladesh
As Deputy Director of the Islamic Foundation Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, pictured left, met Prince Charles in 2003 but now he is accused of murder and faces the death penalty in Bangladesh
Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) – which has been set up to try the country's most notorious war criminals still alive – has announced that it has completed its year-long investigation into Mr Mueen-Uddin. The ICT's prosecution wing will announce formal charges against him in the next few days, said a senior official at the tribunal.
Sanaul Huq, the Inspector-General of Bangladesh's national police force, who is co-ordinating the ICT investigation, said his investigators believe that Mr Mueen-Uddin killed dozens of people during the independence war, but they can link him only to 18 murders with evidence and eyewitness testimonies.
The ICT said Mr Mueen-Uddin and his associates allegedly subjected their victims to horrendous torture before killing them and dumping their bodies in sports grounds which earned the nickname 'killing fields'.
Mr Huq told The Mail on Sunday: 'They abducted an eye doctor, and then gouged his eyes out before killing him and dumping his body.
'They abducted a cardiologist and cut out his heart before killing him and dumping his body.
'They kidnapped a woman journalist, and cut her breasts off before killing her. Her decomposing body was later found with her breasts cut off.
'These victims were chosen because they were leading figures in the independence movement. Mueen-Uddin was a leading figure when it comes to killing activists. This is why we want to try him in court.
'As soon as charges are made – which I can guarantee will happen in days – we will request the British Government to hand him back to Bangladesh, and we will ask Interpol for his arrest. We will use all means, diplomatic and legal, to bring him back. If we fail, we will try him in absentia.'
Above: Victims of the atrocities
Above: Victims of the atrocities
Mr Mueen-Uddin declined to respond to the allegations, but his lawyer Toby Cadman, a barrister at 9 Bedford Row International, said: 'As no formal allegations have thus far been put to Mr Mueen-Uddin it would be highly inappropriate for any formal response to be issued to the media.
'This is a matter sub judice and therefore any and all media comment on the nature of the allegations, the strength of the evidence and the eventual outcome of the proceedings is to be avoided. It would be inappropriate at this stage to comment on the substance of the allegations. However, any and all allegations that Mr Mueen-Uddin committed or participated in any criminal conduct during the Liberation War of 1971 have been strongly denied in the past and will continue to be strongly denied in their entirety.'
If Mr Mueen-Uddin is found guilty of the charges, he could face the death penalty.
Mr Cadman added: 'The United Kingdom would not extradite a person where they are at risk of the death penalty – clearly a barrier in the present case due to the repeated remarks by the government of Bangladesh that the accused at the Tribunal will face the death penalty.'
After Britain gave India independence in 1947, the region now known as Bangladesh became a province of Pakistan, and was known as East Pakistan. But residents of East Pakistan became increasingly frustrated because they believed they were being treated like colonial subjects by their government based in the west of the country.
As a result, Bangladesh became independent in December 1971 after a nine-month civil war, during which hundreds of thousands were killed by the Pakistan military. At the time, Mr Mueen-Uddin was among those who did not want a secular Bangladesh splitting from the 'Islamic state' of Pakistan, say ICT investigators.
They say that during the civil war, Mr Mueen-Uddin was working as a journalist for a newspaper called the Daily Purbadesh in the capital Dhaka. But he was also said to be a secret member of an Islamic terrorist group called the Al-Badr Brigade, which abducted and killed leading figures of the independence movement for the Pakistani military. Mr Huq says Mr Mueen-Uddin fled Bangladesh shortly after independence, and went to Britain via India, Nepal and then Pakistan, from where he caught a flight to London in the early Seventies.
Over the decades, he became one of Britain's most influential Muslim leaders, was instrumental in setting up the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), and is now one of the trustees of the UK's leading Islamic charity, Muslim Aid.
Editor of newspaper Purbodesh - Atiqur Rahman - published a front page claiming that Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, a former reporter, had been a murderer
Editor of newspaper Purbodesh - Atiqur Rahman - published a front page claiming that Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, a former reporter, had been a murderer
Mr Mueen-Uddin was one of the chief Islamic leaders who mobilised thousands of British Muslims to protest against the publication of Salman Rushdie's controversial book, The Satanic Verses, in 1989.
He led a group of Muslim leaders who went to Downing Street to hand a petition against publication of the book to Margaret Thatcher, who was Prime Minister at the time.
Mr Mueen-Uddin has also met Prince Charles, including one occasion when the heir to the throne visited the East London Mosque  in 2010.
The ICT was set up by the Bangladeshi government two years ago after all major political parties voted unanimously in Parliament for a war crimes tribunal. Human rights groups and activists had been campaigning for the tribunal for decades.
The ICT has so far arrested nine alleged war criminals and is trying them in special courts in front of a panel of three judges. The nine are some of the most prominent Islamist leaders of the country, who are accused of killing thousands of independence activists and leaders during the 1971 war.
Mr Huq said: 'At the ICT we are not going to try the foot-soldiers, but are going after the main leaders. We have a list of 20 notorious alleged war criminals we want to try. Mueen-Uddin is one of them. He was a very big player.'
Investigators say that Mr Mueen-Uddin's official title in Al Badr was 'operation-in-charge', which made him a commander of the group.
He is accused of personally abducting six journalists – including a local BBC reporter – three doctors and nine academics from Dhaka University between December 10 and 15, 1971.
More than 1,000 Bangladeshi intellectuals and prominent supporters of the independence movement were killed in the dying days of the war by the Pakistani military in a calculated effort to deprive the new country of its leaders, says the ICT.
Mr Mueen-Uddin and his associates allegedly abducted their victims from their houses during the night at gunpoint, and took them to a gym called the Mohammedpur Training Centre in Mirpur, an area in north Dhaka. The gym was said to have been converted into a makeshift torture chamber.
Mr Mueen-Uddin was one of the chief Islamic leaders who mobilised thousands of British Muslims to protest against the publication of Salman Rushdie's controversial book, The Satanic Verses, in 1989
Mr Mueen-Uddin led a protest against the publication of Salman Rushdie's book The Satanic Verses, in 1989
After the victims were tortured and killed, their bodies were dumped in nearby grounds. The bodies of some victims were never found.
The ICT has interviewed 45 witnesses. Among them is Asif Munier, who is now 46. He was four when his father, Munier Chowdhury, then 45, was taken away from their house in Dhaka. Mr Chowdhury was a prominent playwright and professor of Bengali literature at Dhaka University. He also wrote many articles in support of the independence movement. Mr Chowdhury's body was never found although the family frantically searched the 'killing fields' to find the corpse.
Mr Munier said: 'My father was no criminal. He was targeted and killed for his views to uphold Bengali language and nationalism, so I feel these people left me and my brothers fatherless, made my mother a widow and took away a gifted teacher and writer from Bangladesh, for no fault except believing in freedom and justice.
'His trial would be a symbolic boost to the morale of Bangladesh. It is also a test for the international legal system and human rights mechanism, since Mueen-Uddin is a prominent UK citizen now. Me and my family will be happy to see Mueen-Uddin face trial.'
Mr Munier gave evidence to the ICT early this year.
Mufazzal Haider Chaudhury, an academic in Bengali literature at Dhaka University, is also said to have been kidnapped by Mr Mueen-Uddin from his home and killed on December 14, 1971. His body was never found.
His widow, Dolly Chaudhury, gave a video witness statement to the ICT before her death this year.
Opponents of the ICT say that the tribunal is being used as a tool for the political witch-hunt of Islamic leaders who are the fiercest opponent of the current government, the Awami League party.
The nine individuals who are on trial at the ICT are all leaders of Bangladesh's most prominent Islamic political party, Jamat-I-islami, which opposes the Awami League and its 'secular' politics, say critics.
However, the ICT has broad support among Bangladeshi citizens, who want alleged war criminals tried, say human rights activists.
Mr Mueen Uddin led a group of Muslim leaders who went to Downing Street to hand a petition against the publication of the Satanic Verses to Margaret Thatcher
Mr Mueen Uddin led a group of Muslim leaders who went to Downing Street to hand a petition against the publication of the Satanic Verses to Margaret Thatcher
Sara Hossain, a British-trained barrister and one of Bangladesh's most prominent human rights lawyers, said: 'The critics often fail to mention the overwhelming demand for its [the ICT's] establishment or the need for a process of accountability for 1971 war crimes and crimes against humanity.'
Any request by the Bangladeshi government to the UK to hand back Mr Mueen-Uddin is likely to be tricky because the two countries have no formal extradition treaty. Also, the UK usually does not send suspects to a country where there is a possibility that they may be sentenced to death. A further difficulty is that it is believed that Mr Mueen-Uddin has been granted British citizenship by the Home Office.
However, Mr Huq said: 'We will try all avenues available to us. Although Bangladesh does practise the death penalty, it could be that Mueen-Uddin may not face it at his trial. That will be for the judges to decide.'
A Department of Health spokesman said: 'Mr Mueen-Uddin is not employed by either the Department of Health or the NHS.
'He was head of Muslim spiritual care in the NHS, and chair of the Multi-Faith Group for Healthcare Chaplaincy, an independent organisation which provides advice to the Department of Health about multi-faith healthcare chaplaincy on behalf of all Faith Groups.
'He has voluntarily stepped down from these roles while he responds to these allegations.'


Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2217367/NHS-boss-faces-death-penalty-charges-torture-18-murders.html#ixzz29PxtFP16
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Wednesday, October 10, 2012

Attacks on BSF men rise on border - Times Of India

Attacks on BSF men rise on border - Times Of India:

Attacks on BSF men rise on border

TNN Oct 1, 2012, 05.31AM IST
KOLKATA: The use of non-lethal weapons, like pump-action guns and stun grenades, by Border Security Force (BSF) personnel along the Indo-Bangla border may have resulted in fewer deaths of Bangla infiltrators, but the attacks by criminals from across the international border on India's border guarding force have gone up. Senior BSF officials brought this matter up with their counterparts in the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) during the recently concluded five-day DG level Border Co-ordination Conference between the two forces in Dhaka.
"Criminals in Bangladesh have come to know that BSF personnel are carrying non-lethal weapons. They are attacking BSF personnel with lethal weapons. We have brought this matter to the notice of the BGB and they have assured increased surveillance along the border. Till date, 2008 coordinated patrols of the BSF and BGB have been conducted along the international border. Numbers have been exchanged at all levels and officers are in direct communication to diffuse any tension along the border," B D Sharma, additional director general, East, BSF, said in Kolkata on Sunday.
According to him, there has been a decline in the number of deaths along the international border since 2009. This has happened due to the issuance of non-lethal weapons and sensitization of troops. The number of deaths in 2009 was 93. In 2010, the figure dropped to 55. In 2011, 17 people were killed along the border and in 2012 so far, the casualty figure is 16. These figures were presented to BGB officials in Dhaka when they brought up the issue of deaths of Bangladeshi nationals along the border. The policy of the Indian government is clear on this subject. During his last visit to Kolkata, P Chidambaram, who was then minister of home affairs, said the BSF jawans have been instructed not to open fire on anyone who has 'succeeded in crossing over' the international border.
There is some consternation regarding this policy among BSF officers and jawans, but the orders are being followed for the sake of better ties with Bangladesh. Unfortunately, Bangladesh doesn't seem to appreciate the efforts made by India. At the same time, Bangladesh continues to raise the issue of narcotics smuggling from India. Sources in the BSF say that this smuggling can't be effectively controlled without use of force. The moment force is used, Bangladesh starts raising the issue of deaths along the border.
According to Sharma, the issue of terror outfits seeking shelter in Bangladesh was also brought up during the talks. Like in the past, Bangladesh assured that action is being taken against anti-India groups on its soil. Whether such action has yielded results is not clear though. The additional DG also said that plans to set up a joint task force on Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN) were discussed. Bangladesh, like India, is also hit by the circulation of fake currency. A few years ago, fake currency was detected in the BGB's own headquarters in Dhaka.
"The movement of FICN from Malda to other parts of the country is a major problem. We have written to the district magistrate of Malda to incorporate several villages that have come up between the international border and the fencing on the Indian side. These zero-line villages were set up by villagers who were keen to land across the fence. Today, they have become the conduits for FICN from Bangladesh. Sometimes, bundles of currency notes are simply thrown across the fence. They have also deviced ingenious methods to send in FICN. We have recovered FICN from irrigation pipes even," he said.
On the issue of suicides in the force, Sharma said that it has now been made mandatory for all personnel to go on leave thrice a year. The personnel will be granted 30 days leave twice. On the third occasion, he can proceed on leave for 15 days. The personnel are questioned about the situation at home when they return, to find out if they are suffering from any depression. Vigil is also being kept on the barracks to identify those with a suicidal streak. Once this is done, welfare funds are utilized to bring in family members to spend some time with the disturbed jawan.

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Monday, August 27, 2012

The "Imaginary Line" that Divides India and Bangladesh - NYTimes.com

The "Imaginary Line" that Divides India and Bangladesh - NYTimes.com:


Invisible Americans Get the Silent Treatment

By Bill Moyers, Moyers & Company
26 August 12

t's just astonishing to us how long this campaign has gone on with no discussion of what's happening to poor people. Official Washington continues to see poverty with tunnel vision - "out of sight, out of mind."
And we're not speaking just of Paul Ryan and his Draconian budget plan or Mitt Romney and their fellow Republicans. Tipping their hats to America's impoverished while themselves seeking handouts from billionaires and corporations is a bad habit that includes President Obama, who of all people should know better.
Remember: for three years in the 1980's he was a community organizer in Roseland, one of the worst, most poverty-stricken and despair-driven neighborhoods in Chicago. He called it "the best education I ever had." And when Obama left to go to Harvard Law School, author Paul Tough writes in The New York Times, he did so, "to gain the knowledge and resources that would allow him to eventually return and tackle the neighborhood's problems anew." There's a moving line in Dreams from My Father where Obama writes: "I would learn power's currency in all its intricacy and detail" and "bring it back like Promethean fire."
Oddly, though, for all his rhetorical skills, Obama hasn't made a single speech devoted to poverty since he moved into the White House.
Five years ago, he was one of the few politicians who would talk about it. Here he is in July 2007, speaking in Anacostia, one of the poorest parts of Washington, D.C.:
"The moral question about poverty in America - How can a country like this allow it? - has an easy answer: we can't. The political question that follows - What do we do about it? - has always been more difficult. But now that we're finally seeing the beginnings of an answer, this country has an obligation to keep trying."
Barack Obama the candidate said he wanted to spend billions on a nationwide program similar to Geoffrey Canada's Harlem Children Zone in New York City, widely praised for its focus on comprehensive child development. In the last three years, only $40 million have been spent with another $60 million scheduled for local community grants.
Obama's White House team insisted their intentions were good, but the depth of the economic meltdown passed along by their predecessors has kept them from doing more. And yes, billions have been spent on direct aid to families in the form of welfare, food stamps, housing vouchers and other payments. What's needed, as Paul Tough at the Times and others say, is a less scattershot, more comprehensive program that gets to the root of the problem, focusing on education and mentoring. Not easy to do when a disaffected middle class that votes says hey, what about us? - and the wealthy one percent who lay out the fat campaign contributions simply say, so what?
Just a few days ago, The Chronicle of Philanthropy issued a report on charitable giving. Among its findings: "Rich people who live in neighborhoods with many other wealthy people give a smaller share of their incomes to charity than rich people who live in more economically diverse communities." Responding to that study, social psychologist Paul Piff told National Public Radio, "The more wealth you have, the more focused on your own self and your own needs you become, and the less attuned to the needs of other people you also become."
Those few who dedicate themselves to keeping the poor ever in sight realize how grave the situation really is. The Associated Press reports that, "The number of Americans with incomes at or below 125 percent of the poverty level is expected to reach an all-time high of 66 million this year." A family of four earning 125 percent of the federal poverty level makes about $28,800 a year, according to government figures.
That number's important because 125 percent is the income limit to qualify for legal aid, but although that family may qualify for help, budgets for legal services have been slashed, too, and pro bono work at the big law firms has fallen victim to downsizing. So it's not surprising, the AP goes on to say, that there's a crisis in America's civil courts because people slammed by the financial meltdown - overwhelmed by foreclosure, debt collection and bankruptcy cases - can't afford legal representation and have to represent themselves, creating gridlock in our justice system - and one more hammer blow for the poor.
We know, we know: It is written that, "The poor will always be with us." But when it comes to our "out of sight, out of mind" population of the poor, you have to think we can help reduce their number, ease the suffering, and speak out, with whatever means at hand, on their behalf and against those who would prefer they remain invisible. Speak out: that means you and me, and yes, Mr. President, you, too. You once told the big bankers on Wall Street that you were all that stood between them and the pitchforks of an angry public. How about telling the poor you will make sure our government stands between them and the cliff?


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